Balibar’s definition of heresy is a definition from the point of view of truth, as the “internal adversary” and logically insufferable “exception”. In other words, it is only according to the sense in which “the logical characteristic of truth” creates an enclosure that the adversary can be seen as “internal” to this enclosure, and only according to the sense in which this enclosure must be logically consistent that the heretic can be seen as “exceptional” with respect to this consistency. From this perspective, the heretic and the renegade are indistinguishable: both are identified by the characteristic of being in default of the truth. The renegade completes his renegacy by finally leaving the enclosure; the heretic is the one who remains inside, as an “internal adversary”, in spite of the fact that they truly, if still secretly, belong to the outside, the domain which is not regulated by the truth. For example: the “leftist” renegade continues to identify himself as a “leftist”, hangs out in “leftist circles”, speak in leftist code to leftist friends, whilst secretly harbouring un-leftist attachments, an orientation towards the outside of the leftist enclosure, where the external adversary rules in force. From time to time he will speak his “heresy”, and enjoy for a moment the drama of public contrariness; but it is only a matter of time before he finds the company of non-leftists more congenial, and abandons forever the commitments of his – in piquant retrospect – misguided youth…
Immanence is heretical (says Laruelle), but why? Because according to the point of view of immanence, the logical enclosure which belongs to truth is a kind of hallucination: its consistency is established according to a decision which cannot be justified in terms of immanence. It must find a way to present its self-justification, or justification in terms of its own truth, as underwritten by the Real; this is what Laruelle calls “auto-position” and “sufficiency”. It is as if – in this story, the story told by philosophy to itself – the Real were determined by the truth which it determines, in perfect accord and reciprocity, a relationship of reversibility or exchangeability. What is “heretical” here is to break this symmetry, to insist on the one-way and irreversible priority of the Real before the truth. This is a definition of heresy from the point of view of immanence, as the suspension of the truth’s authority to define its own logical enclosure and determine what is internal to it and consistent with it. The heretic according to immanence is not someone whose secret loyalty is to the “outside”, like the leftist renegade, but someone to whom the distinction between inside and outside, and the logical basis on which that distinction is made, has a limited salience: it no longer has the power to organise all “context” according to its own rubric, but must be seen according to a larger contexture which it does not control. Laruelle leaps directly to the Vision-in-One as a kind of (non)-context-of-all-contexts; he recontextualises philosophical decision within something that cannot be recognised as a context as such. This leap is a leap of gnosis, which relativises everything in a single stroke; but that is not the only way we can go. The imperative of navigation is that one simultaneously refuse to stay put within any given enclosure, and refuse the mystical revelation of the transience of all truths.
Now the violent exclusion inherent in the institution or realization of the universal can take many different forms, which are not equivalent and do not call for the same politics. A sociological and anthropological point of view will insist on the fact that setting up civic universality against discrimination and modes of subjection in legal, educational, moral forms involves the definition of models of the human, or norms of the social. Foucault and others have drawn our attention to the fact that the Human excludes the “non-Human”, the Social excludes the “a-social”. [cf the Afropessimist version of this critique, which identifies this exclusion with its specific, racialising form in anti-blackness]
These are forms of internal exclusion, which affect what I would call “intensive universalism” even more than “extensive universalism”. They are not linked with the territory, the imperium; they are linked with the fact that the universality of the citizen, or the human citizen, is referred to a community. But a political and ethical point of view, which we can associate with the idea or formula of a “community without a community”, or without an already existing community, has to face yet another form of violence intrinsically linked with universality. This is the violence waged by its bearers and activists against its adversaries, and above all against its internal adversaries, i.e. potentially any “heretic” within the revolutionary movement.
Many philosophers – whether they themselves adversaries or fervent advocates of universalistic programs and discourses, such as Hegel in his chapter on “Terror” in the Phenomenology or Sartre in the Critique of Dialectical Reason – have insisted on this relationship, which is clearly linked to the fact that certain forms of universalism embody the logical characteristic of “truth”, i.e. they suffer no exception. If we had time, or perhaps in the discussion, our task now should be to examine the political consequences that we draw from this fact. I spoke of a quasi-Weberian notion of “responsibility”. Responsibility here would not be opposed simply to “conviction” (Gesinnung), but more generally to the ideals themselves, or the ideologies that involve a universalistic principle and goal.
A politics of Human Rights in this respect is typically a politics that concerns the institutionalization of a universalistic ideology, and before that a becoming ideological of the very principle that disturbs and challenges existing ideologies. Universalistic ideologies are not the only ideologies that can become absolutes, but they certainly are those whose realization involves a possibility of radical intolerance or internal violence. This is not the risk that one should avoid running, because in fact it is inevitable, but it is the risk that has to be known, and that imposes unlimited responsibility upon the bearers, speakers and agents of universalism.
If I had to give a name to the present moment in philosophy, I would call it the time of the heretics – this is the moment in which heresy is elevated into a value, almost a (negative-)universal value, the value of the exception, of that which is not tolerated by any politics which “[embodies] the logical characteristic of ‘truth'”. Can one distinguish the figure of the heretic from that of the renegade? Certainly the renegades like to think of themselves as heretics; but the true heretic is always something more and other than simply a renegade.